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TAXES AND DISASTERS

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TAXES AND DISASTERS
Disasters and emergencies appear to be as inevitable as taxes; so too is our ongoing effort to cope with them. The ability to cope lies deep in our primordial past, which has taught us that ‘‘organizing’’ is the most efficient and effective means to survive. Most of this organizing take place without our really being cognizant that it is a special type of behavior.
It seems the most natural thing to do when facing danger, channeling us to improvise defensive types of behaviors that over time are reinforced in our families, small groups, and communities.  Whenever an outside threat such as a disaster occurs or is likely to occur signals and social cues are set in motion that prompt internal social group cohesion. The most amazing thing about this process is that it seems never-ending. In the last ten years, natural (not technological or industrial) disasters have occurred, killing more than 880,000 people. In addition, they have affected the property, health, and jobs of about 1.9 billion people and inflicted economic losses of around $685 billion to the world’s economies.
The apparent chaos and threatening nature of disasters—as unusual, uncontrollable, and many times unpredictable events—facilitated the development of organizational means to restore order and normalcy. The fact that there is strength in numbers and that group and community strength accumulates when individuals cooperate has apparently been one of the most effective means of coping and surviving. In most cases the latent organizational structures that have evolved over thousands of years to mitigate disasters lay dormant and were only activated when needed. When we humans were still wanderers, our small, compact communities moved to better hunting or grazing grounds when faced with a drought or seasonal changes. With agricultural settlement and town life came the oldest types of ‘‘first responders,’’ volunteer firefighters, who in actuality were simply neighbors helping each other out. Each new situation brought with it creative forms of disaster behaviors that were evaluated over time and eventually incorporated into that community. These same latent organizing behaviors appear today in a variety of ways and have embedded themselves in our social activities.
The reason this process repeated itself over and over again is because first and foremost societies are in the business of surviving. Survival becomes problematic when its members are killed or injured, when its economic viability is thwarted, or when the fabric of everyday life is tattered. It is at these times that we dig deep into those wellsprings of disaster experiences we learned over thousands of years. It is extremely important to recognize that the activation of these latent but tried and true ‘‘disaster-oriented’’ organizational social skills was essential to increase the survival function of the group or community.
 This ability to organize has shown itself to be effective in practically all manner of social and political behavior, from helping neighbors to winning a war. In most cases this meant the participation of the entire group or community so as to reaffirm and strengthen social bonds, clarify the division of labor, and most important, set in motion practical means to overcome the as stated in Pelling et al. (2002): ‘‘Reported disaster frequency has doubled every ten years since 1960, with 96% of all deaths from natural disasters occurring in the global south. The annual average financial loss caused by natural disasters, accidents, technological accidents, and urban fires, estimated between 1991 and 2000 in US$ millions at constant 2000 prices, was 234 in Africa, 21,293 in the Americas, 40,346 in Asia, 17,930 in Europe, and 1178 in Oceania.
Individual annual losses fluctuate greatly, with 1995 being the worst year on record, when 0.7% of global GDP was lost to natural disasters. All disaster loss estimates need to be viewed with caution. They are compiled from government reports and insurance statements with no common methodology and little transparency in their calculation. Moreover, they account only for loss of physical assets and indicate nothing of the full scale of personal loss and livelihood disruption, which is proportionately higher in less developed countries. Low human development countries average more than 1000 deaths per disaster but less than US$100 million loss, compared with high human development countries, that average less than ten deaths but over US$600 million in losses per disaster. Such losses are difficult for any economy to absorb but for developing countries, they can be devastating. Hurricane Mitch is said to have set back development in Nicaragua by 20 years.’’ various types of disasters that are always about to occur. One should not be deceived into thinking that these latent organizational qualities are a thing of the past. Just take a look at a small part of a U.S. government report describing the organization plans that emerged after the terrorist attack on the Pentagon in Washington, D.C. This report came after a ‘‘spontaneous’’ evacuation of thousands of employees immediately after the Pentagon attack by terrorists and the recognition that the officials did not ‘‘control’’ the situation.
The federal government has created a new procedure for evacuating federal employees in Washington in the case of possible terrorist attacks on the nation’s capital. The protocol, which took effect in May, tells who can decide to evacuate federal employees from agencies and how the government will communicate the decision to employees and to city and state agencies that would be affected by a mass exodus of civil servants from Washington. It is an attempt to improve on the ad hoc process used on Sept. 11.
These forms of disaster organizing have for centuries been an inherent part of a community’s social structure. Today, most of these social functions have been excised and replaced by public sector agencies dominated by external noncommunity public administrations. What was once the province of the community being now in the hands of local government. In some rare cases these overlap, but the difference lies primarily in the form of organization; be it fellow community members or government bureaucrats. 


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